Healthwatch shortchanged: I am Jack’s complete lack of surprise

News from Healthwatch England today that:

around a quarter of the £43.5 million made available by the Department of Health to fund local Healthwatch has failed to materialise in local Healthwatch accounts.

Collectively the 148 local Healthwatch organisations have received £10 million less than was outlined in the budget by the Health Secretary

The money has either gone missing when it was allocated to DCLG to give to local authorities, or when local authorities themselves allocated it to local Healthwatch.

I’d love to say this was a one-off, but unfortunately it’s not. I previously pointed out:

although £27m was allocated for LINks, Councils only spent £24.3m of it on LINks – they effectively creamskimmed 9% off the budget

and concluded there was “no guarantee they won’t do the same for local [Healtwatch]”. Sure enough, that’s what’s happened.

There will be talk of “commissioning and procurement” costs, as well as “building” and “other overheads”, but that’s all crap, and local government* / DCLG will know it.

Two things really stick in the craw about this:

  1. Healthwatch is a statutory requirement. If this is being done for something that’s legally required, what the heck is being done to things that don’t have the same underpinning (such as advocacy?)
  2. Notwithstanding the overall very difficult financial climate, local councils often get support to meet their own statutory requirements. For example, they were given £11.3m in 2013/14 to collect new information regarding adult social care services (itself more than the amount local Healthwatch are missing).

As I tweeted:

What a load of bollocks.

(Original news via HSJ)

*I am actually a fan of local government, but sometimes it really doesn’t help itself.

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Strengthening DPULOs Programme monthly bulletin, no. 10 (end of year edition) #dpulo

This is the tenth monthly update about the Strengthening DPULOs Programme. This is also the last update of 2012, so rather than the usual mix of links and stories (which will begin again in January) I thought it would be useful to reflect on where the DPULOs agenda has got to.

2012: a year for DPULOs?

At the start of the year I suggested 2012 could be the year for DPULOs. There were 3 reasons for this view:

  1. There was a detectable shift towards leveling the playing field for different types of providers in public services
  2. There was proof that DPULOs could be clear about the value they add in representing disabled people’s voices locally
  3. The evidence for the difference DPULOs make was starting to come through, and stakeholders were starting to take note.

What we’ve seen over the last 12 months is further evidence for each of the points above. For example:

  1. DPULOs, social enterprises and mutuals are starting to be treated differently – and for the better – in the way public services are commissioned. Liverpool is one good example and we’ll have more in the New Year
  2. There is now significant evidence of the difference the voice of disabled people in their local communities, represented through DPULOs can make. This isn’t just in saving money (though that’s important), but also in the improvements in people’s quality of life. Just look at the evidence here.
  3. There is also now much more evidence than there’s ever been of the unique value DPULOs add when they deliver local services. They increase choice and control. They’re trusted more. They deliver a return on investment. And they save money. The evidence is here.

As a result, there’s been a major shift in thinking: the question I used to be asked all the time was “What is a DPULO?” Now, the question I am asked is “Now I know the difference they can make, how can I get the most out of one in my local area?”

Government has taken note, too: where DPULOs used to be thought of mainly in terms of social care, now they are reflected in several areas of policy:

  • In the ODI’s Fulfilling Potential documents and Right to Control Trailblazers
  • In the Home Office’s Hate Crime Action Plan
  • In the DWP’s drive to increase take up of Access to Work
  • In the DfE’s new approach to SEN and disability
  • In DCLG’s Community Budgets work
  • In the Cabinet Office’s Open Public Services White Paper
  • (A full list is here)

Not only this, but the Strengthening DPULOs Programme has provided over £1m of funding through the Facilitation Fund to enhance the sustainability of DPULOs (see here) .

And we’re thinking ahead to the future, too: whilst keeping on with the good stuff we’ve been doing, we’ll be getting new work going  in areas such as:

  • Examples of DPULOs working well with commissioners
  • DPULOs and Making It Real in social care
  • DPULOs and local Healthwatch
  • DPULOs and young disabled people
  • DPULOs, social media and accessible engagement
  • DPULOs and fundraising
  • Mapping the DPULO sector
  • Further evidence on the return on investment DPULOs deliver.

What about 2013?

Despite all of the positives of 2012, it has of course been an incredibly challenging year. DPULOs have not been immune from this, partly because of the significant challenges that disabled people themselves have faced and will continue to face.

And we know that circumstances facing DPULOs are likely to be just as hard, if not harder, into the future as local government and others also face a tough time.

But I am optimistic. As Baroness Campbell said:

Disabled people are the best problem solvers.

In a year that will see lots of problems for lots of different people and organisations, what better people and organisations to have working with you than disabled people and Disabled People’s User-Led Organisations?

Over the festive period, I shall reflect on the incredible work that all of you have done through your DPULOs in your local communities, and think forward to what you will continue to achieve in 2013 and beyond.

I hope you have a restful and relaxing holiday.

Rich Watts

(On behalf of all at the Strengthening DPULOs Programme team)

Find out more about the Programme

To find out more about the Strengthening DPULOs Programme, you can visit our website. We also regularly update our Facebook the page with lots of information you will hopefully find useful, plus news from other DPULOs: http://www.facebook.com/dpulos. If you are on Twitter, you can share information and find out more about DPULOs using the hashtag #dpulo. Please also remember to use the #dpulo hashtag if ever you’re tweeting about your work

You can find all 9 of the previous monthly updates here.

Contact us

For information, biographies, contact details and details of the areas covered by each of the DPULO Ambassadors covers, please visit the Ambassadors page.

If you have any questions about the Facilitation Fund or any part Strengthening DPULOs Programme, please contact odi.businessperformance@dwp.gsi.gov.uk

Please feel free to forward this information on to any DPULOs, networks or stakeholders you think might find it interesting.

Disabled People’s User-Led Organisations: a full overview

Information regarding Disabled People’s User-Led Organisations – the what, who, how, where etc. – tends to be found in very many places indeed.

With my centralising tendencies, I thought it would be useful to publish a post that links together some of the key information available here about DPULOs. In turn, these posts link on to a wide array of resources available.

This is by no means comprehensive, so please do let me know (in the comments, via @rich_w on Twitter or via Facebook) if there’s anything I need to add in.

What is a DPULO?

What DPULOs exist?

What do DPULOs do?

What value do DPULOs add?

See also the evidence section below

What does the government think of DPULOs?

What evidence is there concerning DPULOs?

Local #Healthwatch and #dpulo – useful mapping spreadsheet

I wrote a few weeks ago about the big opportunity that I think Healthwatch presents for Disabled People’s User-Led Organisations (DPULOs).

In particular, there are 3 things I think DPULOs should be excited by when it comes to local Healthwatch:

  1. DPULOs can be the local HealthWatch. Many local authorities are starting to tender contracts for the local HW functions, and DPULOs can bid to deliver these contracts
  2. DPULOs can be part of the local HealthWatch. If they don’t want to bid directly for the contract, they can either partner formally with those who do, or perhaps deliver parts of the contract as subcontractors
  3. DPULOs can ensure the voice of disabled people is represented on local HealthWatch through being involved in its work. They can do this by finding out who is or will be delivering the local HealthWatch and sharing how they can support them in their work and engaging with disabled people – through partnership working, information sharing, direct engagement work etc.

Because I’m that kind of person, I’ve created a spreadsheet of all local authority areas, whether they have started the contracting process for their local Healthwatch and what the (approximate) value of the contract might be. This is embedded below, and I encourage anyone who has any info or is interested in this type of thing to add any updates they’re aware of (or make corrections to the info currently there).

I’ll add to the spreadsheet as and when I get more info, so feel free to keep checking back.

#HealthWatch and #DPULO: a big opportunity

On Monday, HealthWatch England was formally launched. You can read a little about the background of the launch here and the Frequently Asked Questions of the HealthWatch England website are very useful indeed if you want to find out what HW does, how it differs from the previous Local Involvement Networks (LINks) and things like that.

I happen to think that HealthWatch is one of the untold good stories of the reforms captured within the Health & Social Care Act.

I also happen to think that local HealthWatch organisations present a tremendous opportunity for local Disabled People’s User-Led Organisations to build on their excellent work in representing the voice of disabled people locally and in supporting people to navigate their way through the health and social care systems.

More specifically, I think the following 3 key opportunities are available when it comes to local HealthWatch organisations and DPULOs:

  1. DPULOs can be the local HealthWatch. Many local authorities are starting to tender contracts for the local HW functions, and DPULOs can bid to deliver these contracts
  2. DPULOs can be part of the local HealthWatch. If they don’t want to bid directly for the contract, they can either partner formally with those who do, or perhaps deliver parts of the contract as subcontractors
  3. DPULOs can ensure the voice of disabled people is represented on local HealthWatch through being involved in its work. They can do this by finding out who is or will be delivering the local HealthWatch and sharing how they can support them in their work and engaging with disabled people – through partnership working, information sharing, direct engagement work etc.

I can’t stress strongly enough the opportunity that local HealthWatch presents for DPULOs.

To help make the most of this opportunity, the Strengthening DPULOs Programme is going to do some dedicated work in the West Midlands and the South West to explore the issue of DPULOs and HealthWatch. We’ll find out what the issues and barriers are, as well as share practical learning on how best to make the most of the opportunity.

If you’re a DPULO doing work in the area of local HealthWatch, please do get in touch – I’d love to hear from you.

#HealthWatch and #DPULO: a big opportunity

Where DPULOs make a difference

The West of England Centre for Inclusive Living (WECIL) asked me to talk about Disabled People’s User-Led Organisations at their Annual General Meeting today, which was a pleasure and a delight.

After talking about the Strengthening DPULOs Programme (on which more here) and hearing from one of the Ambassadors for the programme (you can find out who they are here), I talked briefly about the difference that DPULOs can and do make.

In social care, for example, I noted that were DPULOs provide support services, they can make a significant difference to the choice and control disabled people (and service users more generally) can have over their support.

To take one area: in Essex there is an independent support planning service which is run by and for disabled people. As a result of the different approach, 100% of the people who use this service end up with some form of cash payment – essentially giving them more choice and control. This compares to around 20% for the local council.

Similarly, across Essex, Thurrock and Cambridgeshire, an average of 92% of people who use an independent and peer-led information, advice and guidance service to find out about the social care process end up with a Direct Payment. This compares to global figures in social care of approximately 10% of users on a Direct Payment.

Even if it’s not quite comparing apples with apples, those are pretty significant differences that indicate the underlying difference DPULOs uniquely provide in enabling people to have more choice and control.

(The Office for Disability Issues published a significant report on the role of Disabled People’s User-Led Organisations in Support, Advocacy and Brokerage here.)

As well as thinking about the role that DPULOs can play in addressing disability hate crime (covered in a separate talk to Leicester CIL earlier this week), I also looked forward to two areas I think greater involvement of DPULOs could make a difference.

The first is Access to Work.

This was recently called the government’s “best kept secret”. I think there is a significant role that DPULOs can play in bridging the gap between Job Centre Plus, employers and potential employees in letting them all know about Access to Work: how to find out about it, how to get it, what to do with it.

The benefits from this won’t just be for disabled people or businesses, either: for every £1 invested in Access to Work, the government gets nearly £1.50 in tax and National Insurance contributions.

At a time when the economy needs to grow, this seems like a pretty good thing to do.

The second area is HealthWatch.

One of the areas that is potentially strong in the current NHS reforms is HealthWatch – the bit that is going to ensure the representation of the voice of service users and patients in the new system.

There’s an argument to say that Local Involvement Networks haven’t fulfilled the overall potential they had to hold health and social care to account. I’d argue that this was partly because it was the wrong types of organisations who were trying to run LINks. As far as I know, only two DPULOs were formally LINks bodies. If we can ensure that more DPULOs take on this function as HealthWatch, I have no doubt it will make the health and social care system better.

After outlining the difference I think DPULOs can make in just one or two particular areas (their effects, of course, aren’t just limited to these) I finished my talk with WECIL with a question to its members, which I’d like to offer more widely to readers and interested parties here: as the Strengthening DPULOs Programme continues to develop and make the case for DPULOs to decision makers and stakeholders, what messages do you think they should know about regarding DPULOs?

HealthWatch: Good in principle, worrying in practice

This was posted as a guest blog on the always insightful Health Policy Insight, run by the always amusing (in a good way) @HPIAndyCowper, who has kindly allowed me to re-post it here.

Criticisms of the reforms of the health system have focused primarily on shifting £80bn of public expenditure to GP commissioning consortia.

Much less attention has been paid to the issue of patient/user voice and representation in the reformed system, something this post aims to address (building on two posts at the time of the White Paper, here and here and one just before the Health & Social Care Bill was published).

The White Paper contained proposals for the creation of both HealthWatch England and local HealthWatch – building on the work of existing Local Involvement Networks (LINks) – in each upper-tier local authority area.

Local HealthWatch will essentially be the local “consumer champion” for health and social care users, promoting choice and control, influencing the shape of services, and highlighting issues in service delivery, including through advocacy.

HealthWatch England will provide support to local HealthWatch and synthesise the issues they highlight at the national level, working with the NHS Commissioning Board and the Care Quality Commission.

In principle, the introduction of HealthWatch based on the work of LINks is a good idea (though there is a question over how effective LINks have been); what’s more, there is “extra” money being made available for both local HealthWatch and HealthWatch England to carry out their roles.

In practice, however, there are 3 significant areas of worry about HealthWatch arising from the Next Steps consultation response and the Health & Social Care Bill and its associated Impact Assessment.

The first is money. Though there will be “extra” money for local HealthWatch, this is being taken from existing services.

In 2009/10, £27m was allocated for LINks. For local HW, the funding that was used to fund the Independent Complaints Advocacy Service (£11.7m) and PALS (£19.3m) is being handed to local authorities to commission local HW, meaning there will be £59.1m in 2010/11.

HW England will also have £3.5m of its own funding (figures from Impact Assessment, para D42).

But the major issue – and the number one risk identified by the DH itself – is that this money won’t be ringfenced. Instead, since the money will be allocated to local authorities under normal LA funding arrangements, Councils can choose how to spend it.

In 2009/10, although £27m was allocated for LINks, Councils only spent £24.3m of it on LINks – they effectively creamskimmed 9% off the budget. There is no guarantee they won’t do the same for local HW.

The second issue is independence. Local HW will be “contracted by and accountable to Local Authorities” (Impact Assessment, para D34). This does not make them independent in principle; nor, potentially, in practice.

More worrying is that HW England will only be a statutory committee of the CQC. Despite the Next Steps consultation response suggesting this means HW England would be “independent” (para 2.59), the Impact Assessment formally recognises (para D24) that

setting up HealthWatch as a statutory committee of CQC [means] it would not be formally independent of the NHS and social care system.

Furthermore, HW England’s funding will need to “maximise synergies” with roles within CQC (para D28) to ensure its funding of £3.5m goes as far as possible. No “independent” committee should have to rely to this extent on staff within its host body.

Even more significantly, the Chair of the Committee will be appointed by the Secretary of State (Next Steps, para 2.59). The Health & Social Bill also stipulates that some members of the Committee will be appointed and others elected (Impact Assessment, para D27), but with no details about the blend of appointed and elected members or the process for elections (D26) – this is to follow in further regulations.

None of this sounds particularly independent, and there have to be worries about how this will operate in practice. Anyone who knows how the statutory disability committee within the EHRC has operated in practice – a very similar set up to that proposed for HW England within CQC – will rightly be concerned.

The final issue is advocacy, particularly complaints advocacy, in which confusion reigns. Next Steps suggests (para 2.43) that local HW should have a role in NHS complaints advocacy, but that Local Authorities will now be responsible for commissioning it and that this may or may not be through local HW.

Conversely, the policy summary signed by Andrew Lansley as part of the Impact Assessment says that HW will bring together patient voice and complaints advocacy. It won’t – especially since advocacy in social care is not mentioned a single time anywhere in documents relating to the Health & Social Care Bill.

Unlike much of the rest of the proposed health reforms, the suggestions for HealthWatch were actually quite good in principle.

In practice, significant questions about money, independence and advocacy as one of the new, key functions of HW means the end position for HealthWatch is much the same as everything else associated with Lansley’s reforms.

LINks annual reports 2009/10

The annual reports of Local Involvement Networks (LINks) for 2009/10 makes for interesting reading. This is particularly in light of the fact LINks will become local HealthWatches under the proposed reforms of the government’s White Paper, and will be the major vehicle through which patient/user representation will be secured.

LINks are membership organisations which empower people in the community to have their say or influence local health and social care services. In 2009/10 there were 150 of them, with a total spend of £24.3m.

The numbers in terms of people engaged aren’t, I’ll be honest, particularly good. Even then, the data collected probably represents a slightly rosy view: as the report highlights:

Many LINks were not able to provide details of their finances, membership, activities or their effects.

It doesn’t inspire confidence, does it? Even so, we will plough on with what the annual reports tell us.

Across all LINks, the average number of members (both individuals and organisations) was 489. In total, around 192,000 people were engaged in their activities (of which 42% related to social care). Given the population of Essex alone, for example, is 1.4m, this doesn’t strike me as a great number. Nor does the number of LINks that report engagement directly with people from a BME background or disabled people: less than 60 and just over 50 respectively.

If the engagement numbers don’t grab you, then potentially of more interest is the headline finding that LINks provided a net return on investment of £4.10 for every £1 invested.

I’m afraid to say the data behind this is optimistic at best. On the basis of the average benefit for 4 – just four – case studies being of the order of £270k, someone has simply multiplied this benefit by the number of changes that were “inspired” in services by LINks in 2009/10 – some 463. This gets you to a figure of £126m gross annual benefit.

Whilst the veracity of the 4 case studies seems reasonable, it’s a leap of faith to suggest the same financial benefit applies on average across each of the service interventions LINks achieved, wouldn’t you say?

My overall impression of the report is that there are undoubtedly some LINks making a positive difference through engaging their local communities in issues relating to health and social care services. However, the level of this engagement isn’t particularly deep, isn’t particularly innovative and is really quite limited. Nor can the level of financial benefit accrued from changes made by LINks be considered realistic.

At best, the report reads as if the most optimistic of civil servants has written it, looking for good as a whole where it only exists in patches.

Given this forms the foundation for patient and user enagement under the new health reforms, I draw the following implications for HealthWatch:

  • Engagement is actually very low. LINks may have improved from 2008/09 to 2009/10, but the base was incredibly low in the first place. In particular, disabled people and people from a BME background were evidenced to be poorly engaged in LINks as a whole. HW will have to do much better than this.
  • The report indicates that the money allocated by DH for LINks was not ringfenced within LAs: £27m was allocated by DH to LAs, £24.3m was allocated by LAs to LINks. Will the DH require money allocated for HW to be spent only on HW?
  • The performance of LINks was patchy, but no enforcement mechanism seems to have been in place to address this. How will this be dealt with under HW?
  • Data collection for LINks was quite poor. Given it underpins so much of the work HW do, will there be standards and requirements that are enforced in order to understand the work HW do?
  • The annual report seems very keen to attribute financial benefits to the work of LINks in order to justify their works. Will a cost-benfit outcome be a key driver of HW, or is their value recognised as being one of engaging local communities in decision making on health and social care?

HealthWatch: Good in principle, worrying in practice

This was posted as a guest blog on the always insightful Health Policy Insight, run by the always amusing (in a good way) @HPIAndyCowper, who has kindly allowed me to re-post it here.

Criticisms of the reforms of the health system have focused primarily on shifting £80bn of public expenditure to GP commissioning consortia.

Much less attention has been paid to the issue of patient/user voice and representation in the reformed system, something this post aims to address (building on two posts at the time of the White Paper, here and here and one just before the Health & Social Care Bill was published).

The White Paper contained proposals for the creation of both HealthWatch England and local HealthWatch – building on the work of existing Local Involvement Networks (LINks) – in each upper-tier local authority area.

Local HealthWatch will essentially be the local “consumer champion” for health and social care users, promoting choice and control, influencing the shape of services, and highlighting issues in service delivery, including through advocacy.

HealthWatch England will provide support to local HealthWatch and synthesise the issues they highlight at the national level, working with the NHS Commissioning Board and the Care Quality Commission.

In principle, the introduction of HealthWatch based on the work of LINks is a good idea (though there is a question over how effective LINks have been); what’s more, there is “extra” money being made available for both local HealthWatch and HealthWatch England to carry out their roles.

In practice, however, there are 3 significant areas of worry about HealthWatch arising from the Next Steps consultation response and the Health & Social Care Bill and its associated Impact Assessment.

The first is money. Though there will be “extra” money for local HealthWatch, this is being taken from existing services.

In 2009/10, £27m was allocated for LINks. For local HW, the funding that was used to fund the Independent Complaints Advocacy Service (£11.7m) and PALS (£19.3m) is being handed to local authorities to commission local HW, meaning there will be £59.1m in 2010/11.

HW England will also have £3.5m of its own funding (figures from Impact Assessment, para D42).

But the major issue – and the number one risk identified by the DH itself – is that this money won’t be ringfenced. Instead, since the money will be allocated to local authorities under normal LA funding arrangements, Councils can choose how to spend it.

In 2009/10, although £27m was allocated for LINks, Councils only spent £24.3m of it on LINks – they effectively creamskimmed 9% off the budget. There is no guarantee they won’t do the same for local HW.

The second issue is independence. Local HW will be “contracted by and accountable to Local Authorities” (Impact Assessment, para D34). This does not make them independent in principle; nor, potentially, in practice.

More worrying is that HW England will only be a statutory committee of the CQC. Despite the Next Steps consultation response suggesting this means HW England would be “independent” (para 2.59), the Impact Assessment formally recognises (para D24) that

setting up HealthWatch as a statutory committee of CQC [means] it would not be formally independent of the NHS and social care system.

Furthermore, HW England’s funding will need to “maximise synergies” with roles within CQC (para D28) to ensure its funding of £3.5m goes as far as possible. No “independent” committee should have to rely to this extent on staff within its host body.

Even more significantly, the Chair of the Committee will be appointed by the Secretary of State (Next Steps, para 2.59). The Health & Social Bill also stipulates that some members of the Committee will be appointed and others elected (Impact Assessment, para D27), but with no details about the blend of appointed and elected members or the process for elections (D26) – this is to follow in further regulations.

None of this sounds particularly independent, and there have to be worries about how this will operate in practice. Anyone who knows how the statutory disability committee within the EHRC has operated in practice – a very similar set up to that proposed for HW England within CQC – will rightly be concerned.

The final issue is advocacy, particularly complaints advocacy, in which confusion reigns. Next Steps suggests (para 2.43) that local HW should have a role in NHS complaints advocacy, but that Local Authorities will now be responsible for commissioning it and that this may or may not be through local HW.

Conversely, the policy summary signed by Andrew Lansley as part of the Impact Assessment says that HW will bring together patient voice and complaints advocacy. It won’t – especially since advocacy in social care is not mentioned a single time anywhere in documents relating to the Health & Social Care Bill.

Unlike much of the rest of the proposed health reforms, the suggestions for HealthWatch were actually quite good in principle.

In practice, significant questions about money, independence and advocacy as one of the new, key functions of HW means the end position for HealthWatch is much the same as everything else associated with Lansley’s reforms.

LINks annual reports 2009/10

The annual reports of Local Involvement Networks (LINks) for 2009/10 makes for interesting reading. This is particularly in light of the fact LINks will become local HealthWatches under the proposed reforms of the government’s White Paper, and will be the major vehicle through which patient/user representation will be secured.

LINks are membership organisations which empower people in the community to have their say or influence local health and social care services. In 2009/10 there were 150 of them, with a total spend of £24.3m.

The numbers in terms of people engaged aren’t, I’ll be honest, particularly good. Even then, the data collected probably represents a slightly rosy view: as the report highlights:

Many LINks were not able to provide details of their finances, membership, activities or their effects.

It doesn’t inspire confidence, does it? Even so, we will plough on with what the annual reports tell us.

Across all LINks, the average number of members (both individuals and organisations) was 489. In total, around 192,000 people were engaged in their activities (of which 42% related to social care). Given the population of Essex alone, for example, is 1.4m, this doesn’t strike me as a great number. Nor does the number of LINks that report engagement directly with people from a BME background or disabled people: less than 60 and just over 50 respectively.

If the engagement numbers don’t grab you, then potentially of more interest is the headline finding that LINks provided a net return on investment of £4.10 for every £1 invested.

I’m afraid to say the data behind this is optimistic at best. On the basis of the average benefit for 4 – just four – case studies being of the order of £270k, someone has simply multiplied this benefit by the number of changes that were “inspired” in services by LINks in 2009/10 – some 463. This gets you to a figure of £126m gross annual benefit.

Whilst the veracity of the 4 case studies seems reasonable, it’s a leap of faith to suggest the same financial benefit applies on average across each of the service interventions LINks achieved, wouldn’t you say?

My overall impression of the report is that there are undoubtedly some LINks making a positive difference through engaging their local communities in issues relating to health and social care services. However, the level of this engagement isn’t particularly deep, isn’t particularly innovative and is really quite limited. Nor can the level of financial benefit accrued from changes made by LINks be considered realistic.

At best, the report reads as if the most optimistic of civil servants has written it, looking for good as a whole where it only exists in patches.

Given this forms the foundation for patient and user enagement under the new health reforms, I draw the following implications for HealthWatch:

  • Engagement is actually very low. LINks may have improved from 2008/09 to 2009/10, but the base was incredibly low in the first place. In particular, disabled people and people from a BME background were evidenced to be poorly engaged in LINks as a whole. HW will have to do much better than this.
  • The report indicates that the money allocated by DH for LINks was not ringfenced within LAs: £27m was allocated by DH to LAs, £24.3m was allocated by LAs to LINks. Will the DH require money allocated for HW to be spent only on HW?
  • The performance of LINks was patchy, but no enforcement mechanism seems to have been in place to address this. How will this be dealt with under HW?
  • Data collection for LINks was quite poor. Given it underpins so much of the work HW do, will there be standards and requirements that are enforced in order to understand the work HW do?
  • The annual report seems very keen to attribute financial benefits to the work of LINks in order to justify their works. Will a cost-benfit outcome be a key driver of HW, or is their value recognised as being one of engaging local communities in decision making on health and social care?